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This is underlined by Howlett's (1998: chapter 5) discovery that this section is written in the highly complex 'Biblical style', showing that Chapter 56 was an integral part of the that was created, engineered and planned by the author in accordance with his aims and methodology. , was compiled in 950s and is sometimes seen as providing good evidence for Arthur being a historical figure (see Grabowski and Dumville, 1984 for the dating.

As such the notion that Chapter 56 might represent anything like a postulated earlier source incorporated bodily into the text of the , a source of very dubious historical value (which can be shown to portray mythical figures as genuinely historical), we have evidence for the idea that Arthur was a historical figure being current by A. Studies and commentaries on the text include Jones, 1964; Alcock, 1971; Hughes, 1980; Grabowski and Dumville, 1984; Dumville, 1990; Charles-Edwards, 1991 and Koch, 1996. 516 which tells of the 'battle of Badon, in which Arthur carried the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ on his shoulders for three days and three nights, and the Britons were the victors' and that for A. 537 concerning 'the battle of Camlann, in which Arthur and Medraut fell'.

Whilst we might not be able to accept Koch's assertions on dating, we can say that Arthur is essentially a 'highly unusual comparison', not a warrior who is being honoured; he is not envisaged as being present at the battle and he is a military 'superhero', someone to whose heights of valour not even a man who killed 300 in one rush could compare. 829/30, the ascription to one 'Nennius' now being regarded as false (Dumville, 1974; 1975-6, though see Field, 1996).

now seen as an author actively manipulating his text to create a synthetic pseudo-history rather than a simple compiler, Chapter 56 was, to some large extent, his creation.

While this theory is quite popular it is rightly dismissed by academic commentators as nothing more than 'straws in the wind' (Bromwich , 1991: 6. 113; Hanning, 1995; Padel, 1995) on the grounds that, while Riotamus (or Breton traditions about this figure) could be the (partial) inspiration for Geoffrey's portrayal of Arthur, he has nothing at all in common with the insular traditions of Arthur and thus cannot be the prototype for Arthur as a whole (indeed, he doesn't even have the correct name - Ashe explains this by saying that Riotamus was a title and Arthur was his real name but a recent reviewer (Padel, 1995) has shown this to be untenable).

The above means that the historical Arthur, if he existed, will be found in the pre-Galfridian texts and it is to these we must now turn.

Thus these names cannot be used as evidence for a historical Arthur and as long as we continue to see Arthur as genuinely historical they are likely to remain a lasting crux (at present there is only one viable explanation of these names, that proposed by Oliver Padel (1994: 24) -- see below on this. 600, such a reconstruction is entirely unwarranted and there is no reason to think that the text was composed in this period (Isaac, 1998).

It is worth noting that none of these 'Arthurs' can be seen as the 'original' Arthur, pace Barber, 1972 that Gordur 'fed black ravens on the rampart of a fort, although he was no Arthur' (B.38. Thomas Charles-Edwards (1991: 14), building on his theory of textual transmission (set forth in Charles-Edwards, 1978), concluded that, as the reference only occurs in the B version and not the A version of . Given the above, it seems clear that, despite Koch's assertions, '[t]he date of composition [of , how does this reference affect the question of Arthur's historicity, given that Arthur only appears as a comparison to a warrior of (supposedly) the late sixth century?

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This work quickly became influential throughout western Europe and affected the Arthurian legend in all areas with the result that, in general, scholars look to sources written before Geoffrey's for the 'original' Arthur (that is, in the 'pre-Galfridian' sources).

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